The further spread of nuclear weapons can only be prevented if the nuclear powers agree to reduce their arsenals. And the year 2009 provides a unique opportunity for achieving a new worldwide disarmament initiative. With the election of Barack Obama, the United States once again has a president who values the power of diplomacy. With this in mind, the world must attempt to abolish another particularly deadly weapon: cluster munitions.
Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany.
(Foto: Foto: dpa)The Cold War ended twenty years ago. Today no one talks about "massive retaliation" or "mutual assured destruction" anymore. But anyone who believes that disarmament and arms control are yesterday's issues, is wrong. Not only are there still thousands of nuclear warheads stored in the weapons arsenals of the former superpowers, but an increasing number of states aspire to possess "the bomb."
A new sense of distrust undermines the disarmament architecture arduously constructed over years. Tensions and conflicts rob many people of the hope for development and peace. And the war in Georgia was not the first reminder that the danger of military clashes right in our own backyard is still very real.
For these reasons I believe disarmament and arms control belong at the very top of the international agenda.
Politics is nothing without vision
At the beginning of 2009, the chances for a fresh start look good. President Obama has taken office in Washington and his Administration emphasizes the power of diplomacy. Working towards disarmament is one of this Administration's priorities. I am sure that together we can achieve progress.
Politics is nothing without vision. Helmut Schmidt, Richard von Weizsäcker, Egon Bahr, and Hans-Dietrich Genscher boldly approached this subject at the start of the year. Their joint "Declaration on Freedom from Nuclear Weapons" is an answer to the 2007 appeal made by renowned US foreign and security policy figures, including Henry Kissinger and Sam Nunn.
My goal is to actively help this vision become reality. But like our "wise men" I know that without hard work, every vision is merely pie in the sky. And success isn't going to happen overnight. That's why we urgently need specific, practical initiatives.
The first stage here is the 2010 Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference. I am deeply convinced that only if the nuclear-weapon states are willing to reduce their arsenals, will we be able to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons in the long run. After all, there is a reason why the Non-Proliferation Treaty requires both non-proliferation as well as progress in nuclear disarmament.
Start of a new era
It is therefore encouraging that the new US Administration is preparing specific projects in this field: a successor agreement to the START Treaty on strategic nuclear weapons with Russia, which will expire at the end of the year; submitting the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) to the Senate for ratification - after it was blocked for years by President Bush; negotiations on a treaty that would prohibit the production of weapons-grade fissile material (Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty).
Each one of these steps on its own would be a positive signal for the future. Together they could mark the start of a new era - an era of overcoming nuclear challenges through cooperation.
We not only support these steps, we have also presented our own concrete proposals - specifically, for better controlling uranium enrichment by "multilateralizing" - the fuel cycle. I have suggested building an international enrichment plant that would be under the direct control of the IAEA. This would not only reduce the risk of the uncontrolled proliferation of nuclear fuels, it would also build trust between those states that possess enrichment technology and all the others that do not.
Appeal to Tehran: seize this opportunity!
We must work together to bring back the countries that have strayed from the international non-proliferation regime. We need diplomatic solutions to the disputes over the nuclear programmes in Iran and North Korea as quickly as possible - not least to stabilize the regions of the Middle and Far East.
Regarding Iran, the international offer of extensive cooperation is still on the table. Unfortunately, Iran has not accepted this offer so far, nor has it allayed concerns that its nuclear programme is being developed for military purposes. This is an untenable situation. I welcome the new US Administration's readiness to engage in direct dialogue. And my appeal to those responsible in Tehran is: seize this opportunity! Confrontation and strong words create neither security nor prosperity - and Iran is no exception.
A Fresh Start for Disarmament Policy
After the end of the Cold War, the Charter of Paris stood for a "new era of democracy, peace, and unity" - in Europe. The equivalent in the area of arms control was the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE), which remains the heart of our European disarmament architecture.
This means that today when we speak about a renewal of the pan-European security order, we also have to maintain the CFE Treaty as an anchor of stability and security in Europe. In 1999 the treaty was amended to reflect the changed security environment, but to this day has not been ratified. It is imperative that we find a way out of this stalemate, especially after Russia's decision to suspend the current treaty.
System of conventional arms controls needed
Georgia was not the first demonstration of the still-present threats to security and stability in Europe. It also showed just how urgently we need a functioning system of conventional arms controls. I will invite high-ranking experts to a meeting in Berlin in June to discuss precisely these issues. We have to work together to ensure that the CFE Treaty has a future.
This will only work if we also include Russia, only if we succeed in rebuilding lost trust. And only if we are able to overcome the Cold War mindset, as President Obama called for in his Berlin speech.
Resolve the disputed issue of the planned US missile defence shield
I see the first positive signs that this can be done: Russia has halted its plans to station interceptor missiles in Kaliningrad for the time being. Now I expect that all sides will approach each other again to try to find a way to resolve the disputed issue of the planned US missile defence shield in Eastern Europe. I still maintain, where common threats exist, there is also the possibility of finding a common solution.
Incidentally, this discussion should also be held within the NATO-Russia Council, a body that is very important as a forum for dialogue - especially in difficult times. It is a forum that we must rely on much more often when it comes to practical cooperation on security issues.
We also need a much stronger profile on disarmament and arms control within NATO itself. At the last summit, in Bucharest, we placed these issues on the agenda. And rightly so, because they play a vital role in all discussions on the alliance's future strategic orientation.
However, disarmament policy is more than just security policy. It must always also aim to protect civilians from the use of especially insidious weapons.
In 1997 we were able to ban anti-personnel mines. Just a few weeks ago, on December 3, 2008, representatives of 94 countries gathered in Oslo to sign a convention banning cluster munitions - another type of weapon that claims many innocent lives even after the conflict has ended.
"Our century's keyword is cooperation"
This is a milestone - yet it is no time to twiddle our thumbs. The focus now is on quickly gaining the 30 ratifications necessary for the convention to enter into force. We also have to convince the states which have not yet signed to do so because the most important producers and users of cluster munitions - including the United States and Russia - have so far kept their distance from the convention.
We must be persistent. The impact of our efforts thus far can already be seen. In the Georgia conflict, both sides accused each other of using cluster munitions - and rejected these claims just as energetically. This is a clear indication of the growing stigma associated with cluster munitions, even among those who were not present in Oslo.
"Our century's keyword is cooperation," write Schmidt, von Weizsäcker, Bahr, and Genscher. The authors claim that no global problem can be solved militarily or through confrontation.
2009 will be a decisive year
This is another reason why disarmament is necessary - both in the field of nuclear and conventional arms, and to protect human lives. And here, too, there will only be progress if we make a joint effort. There will only be progress if Europe, America, Russia, but also China and the other rising powers are aware of their shared responsibility for our common security.
The time for this is more than ripe. And the context seems to be favorable - with a new American President who wants take a resolute and bold approach, and a Russian President who also belongs to a new generation and who has presented several proposals of his own.
There is no doubt about it: 2009 will be a decisive year - not least for disarmament.
Frank-Walter Steinmeier is Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany